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Putinism: Mr. Putin To Become A Tsar

Valery Zorkin Chairman of Constitutional Court paired with President Vladamir Putin.   The Constitutional Court under the directive of Val...


Valery Zorkin Chairman of Constitutional Court paired with President Vladamir Putin. 
The Constitutional Court under the directive of Valery Zorkin pushes for a political reform that will create a non-elective position of national leader.  The reform will allow President Vladimir Putin to become a ''defacto Tsar'' after the completion of his fourth presidential term in 2024. The Putinism is an aspiration of all the Russian people who seeking a strong leader with unapologetic zeal toward the so-called global order of the liberal and capitalism. The figurehead would defend Russian sovereignty against innocuous sanctions, western liberalism and the double standard of international courts such as the Hague Human Rights Tribunal.


Certainly, Putinism agenda will succeed based on the conditions that most Russians love and trust President Putin. In 1993 there was a constitutional crisis and political stand-off between the Russian president Boris Yeltsin and the Russian parliament, that led to the crash between the political reformers and those oversights the legislature. On 21 September 1993, the constitutional crisis has reached a tipping point when President Yeltsin aimed to use military force to dissolve the country's legislature (the Congress of People's Deputies and its Supreme Soviet), although a president has no power to dissolve the parliament according to the constitution.

Valery Dmitrievich Zorkin (pictured together with his president) once again has perceived as distinguishable only barrier to the complete dissolution of the Soviet system: He broke several legal obstacles to the privatizations of the early post-communist years; he tried to limit the sale of natural resources abroad; with a sensational sentence of 1992 he managed to save the base of the Communist Party from Yeltsin’s liquidation allowing it to remain in the political arena, even sometimes acting as opposed to the Kremlin machinations.

In an article entitled "Letter and Spirit of the Constitution" published in the Rossiskaja Gazeta of 9 October, but re-published and commented on by all the Russian media in recent days, the top Russian jurist proposes to "respond to the concerns and expectations of the population" and to requests for changes with a series of "punctual reforms" of the constitutional charter, which guarantee "greater social justice", the effectiveness of the political system passing to a two-party scheme, and above all to curb "the expansion of the extra-national regulation of conflicts", as for example with the judgments of the Court of Human Rights in The Hague. Essentially, it is a further "sovereign" interpretation of the legal and institutional structure of the State, on which Zorkin has always insisted. From 2016, the Russian legislature faced the "invasive" measures of international courts and the resurgence of sanctions against Russia, he re-affirmed that "the global legal system is heading for catastrophe, as the Apostle Paul had already announced". In particular, Zorkin's condemnation is directed to the excesses of the "defense of human rights, which leads to the degradation of the moral solidity of society and destroys its religious identity".

 In Zorkin's opinion, the defense of "every kind of minority" causes considerable damage to all the other social components. At a conference in Serbia in 2014, he stated that "the old democrats, inspired by the ideals of liberalism, continue to propose new forms of defense of all types of the minority, and they often ignore the objections of their own citizens, who are concerned about the consequences of these decisions ". In his public speeches and in university lectures, the jurist has always openly supported the priority of Russian law over the international one, a thesis that provided the theoretical justification of the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and of various other Russian interventions on the international scene. Even agreements with foreign countries, in fact, cannot in his opinion constitute a delegation to others of Russian sovereignty.

In internal politics Zorkin proposes an institutional form that "synthesizes the idea of individual freedom with social solidarity" that corresponds as much as possible to the "mentality of the Russian people". Recalling the injustices of the privatizations of the 1990s, which caused social imbalances and resentments, in his opinion "we need a correction of the individualistic-liberal approach, in favor of the solidarity collectivism inherent in the Russian soul". This is also because "the model of representative liberal democracy, characteristic for the majority of developed countries, as recognized by the major politicians of Europe and America, today is no longer able to face the challenges of contemporary society".

According to Zorkin, "Russian natural collectivism" is tempered "by the severe climate of nature, by innumerable defensive wars, by the need to unite a multitude of peoples and nationalities in the common destiny of our land". Combining democracy and differences, collectivism and competition, according to the president of the Russian constitutional court, is possible only if the role of the "national leader for life" is clearly identified, the supreme synthesis of all the aspirations of the Russian people. Putin's spokesman, Dmitri Peskov, has denied that the reform is inspired by the Presidential administration itself: "We believe - he said - that Zorkin's article is only an expert analysis on the subject".